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Events across categories. Theoretical and experimental approaches to event structure CSIC- Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales Madrid, May 27th 2009 Syntax meets compositional semantics Comments on Ramchand’s and Piñón’s papers Violeta Demonte (CSIC) & Olga Fernández-Soriano (UAM) 1. Introduction a) Ramchand?s proposal of a minimalist semantics. b) Certain classes of verbs emerging as “natural classes”: Creation / consumption: there are additional variables modelling telicity in verbs with incremental themes as well as in degree achievements. Causative alternation verbs: the subclass expressing an extended path. Motion verbs are characterized in first phase syntax: the variable behaviour of verbs of directed motion and the typological differences among languages as to the way they encode direction and manner. c) A possible implementation or application to the complex set of aspectual auxiliary verbs in Spanish will be very schematically analyzed in terms of their interactions with the eventuality descriptors in phase one. 2. Minimalist semantics and minimalist syntax Ramchand?s (2009): Lexical items are not inserted under single terminal node but carry a set of “category features” and need to „multi-attach? in structures such (1). Syntactic representation of event decomposition: (1) Minimalist: Two possible operations: the equivalent to external or regular merge and the equivalent to internal merge or move. This accounts for composite roles, which are generated making use of copy theory. Not a locus for: A) Relation between positions/ roles and case marking (syntactic verb classes such as unaccusative or unergative and even transitive and intransitive) (2nd Phase). B) The nature of Telicity. DP3 subj of „cause? initP (causing projection) init procP (process projection) proc resP (result projection) res XP ... DP2 subj of „process? DP1 subj of „result?